(^7 G^ 






Glass 



44 




RECEPTION AND DINNER 



IN HONOR OF 



HENRY CABOT LODGE 



A GREAT DEFENDER OF THE FAITH 



By The Roosevelt Club 
HOTEL SOMERSET-BOSTON NOVEMBER 20-1920 



The Roosevelt Club 
^ Tricolor Series No. 3 



Published by 
THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 

(Incorporated) 
Boston 

FOR ITS A^MBERS 



Christmas 1920 






" Render therefore unto Caesar 
The things which are Caesar's" 

St. Matthew 22 : 19 






Edited by 

R. M. Washburn 

89 State St. 

Boston 



HENRY CABOT LODGE 

OF NAHANT 

Born Boston May 12-1850 

Harvard College A.B. 1871 

Harvard Law School LL.B. 1875 

Harvard University Ph.D. 1876 

Suffolk Bar 1876 

Massachusetts House 1880-1881 

Chairman Republican State Committee 1883 

Congressman 1887-1893 

Senator 1893 Term expires 1923 

Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations 

Leader of the Senate 

LL.D. — Williams College, Clark University, Yale University, 
Harvard University, Brown University, Amherst College, Union 
College, Princeton University, Dartmouth College 



A GREAT DEFENDER OF THE FAITH 



The Roosevelt Club 

(INCORPORATED) 

Boston 

A RESOLUTION 

Resolved, at a Dinner of five hundred loyal American men 
and women, given by The Roosevelt Club, in honor of Henry 
Cabot Lodge, our strong obligation to him. Senior Senator 
from Massachusetts, Leader of the Senate, Chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Relations, he has successfully lead the 
great struggle for the preservation of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and the Constitution, in the third crisis of the country. 
Like a Sentinel on his own rocks of Nahant, with penetra- 
ting and protecting eye towards the Nations of Europe, his 
thoughts, his hopes, his struggles have been, ever, first, for 
America. We recognize, in him, A Great Defender of the Faith. 
Our hearts are his. He is our own. 



" He (Mr. Lodge) is an eminently fit successor of Webster 
and Sumner in the Senatorship of Massachusetts. 1 say, delib- 
erately, that he has been, on the whole, the best and most 
useful servant of the public to be found in either house of 

Congress." 

Theodore Roosevelt. 



(On the wall, these names) 

WASHINGTON — LINCOLN — ROOSEVELT — LODGE 



SPEAKERS 



Hon. R. M. WASHBURN 

Chairman 

Rt. Rev. WILLIAM LAWRENCE 

Seventh Bishop of Massachusetts 
Member of Lodge Class of 71 Harvard 

Hon. GEORGE H. MOSES 

Senior Senator from New Hampshire 

HENRY CABOT LODGE 

Senior Senator from Massachusetts 



AT THE TABLE OF HONOR 

RALPH S. BAUER Dr. FREDERICK C. SHATTUCK 

Dr. WM. STURGIS BIGELOW HARRY WORCESTER SMITH 

LOUIS A. COOLIDGE SAMUEL SPRING 

WILLIAM C. DRURY Hon. JOSEPH WALKER 

Hon. GEORGE H. ELLIS RICHARD D. WARE 

Hon. CHARLES N. FOWLER Hon. JOSEPH E. WARNER 

J. MITCHEL GALVIN Hon. JOHN W. WEEKS 

Hon, FRANK B. HALL NORMAN H. WHITE 

Hon. SEWARD W. JONES WILLIAM WHITMAN 



(The capacity of the Banquet Hall present, 300 men and 200 women, 

approximately.) 



"There rests in you (Mr. Lodge) one of the tenderest of 

hearts, and a sentiment as sweet and refined as any man would 

wish to have, and a sentiment of such delicacy and refinement 

and affection as belong to those who are of the choice characters 

of the world." 

William Lawrence. 



IN HONOR OF 

HENRY CABOT LODGE 

By The Roosevelt Club 



The Reception being concluded, at seven P. M., sharp, this 
Eminent American was escorted into the Banquet Hall by the 
Chairman of The Roosevelt Club, and Hon. John W. Weeks, a 
former colleague and highly efficient Republican, and nineteen 
other representative men, to the music of that great march : 

"Onward Christian Soldiers, Marching as to War." 

BISHOP LAWRENCE 

We thank Thee, Heavenly Father, for all Thy goodness and 
loving kindness. And now, again, we consecrate ourselves to 
Thee, our Heavenly Father, to our fellow men and to the service 
of our country. Amen, 

DINNER 

(As the Chairman rose to call the Dinner to order, he was 
greeted with great applause. Then J. Mitchel Galvin proposed, 
"Three cheers for the man who received 100,000 votes for Lieu- 
tenant-Governor," which was heartily given. When the applause 
had ceased, the Chairman observed, "No, 133,480.") 

THE CHAIRMAN 

The Roosevelt Club is a year and a half old, almost to a day. 
It has had some troubles, but purely children's diseases. It is, 
tonight, well and vigorous, facing a bright future under the most 
auspicious circumstances [applause]. The Roosevelt Club wishes 
to express its appreciation to the Republican League of Massa- 
chusetts, for its song sheets, and for the able leadership of Albert 
E. Brown [applause], a man of contagious virility. The Roose- 
velt Club desires, also, to express its appreciation to the Republican 
Club of Massachusetts, led by President Ellis, Secretary David- 
son, and Executive Secretary Glidden, for its able co-operation 
towards the success of this dinner. The Roosevelt Club expresses, 
also, its appreciation to the Middlesex Club, adorned by the lead- 

[7] 



ership of President Coolidge and Treasurer Ramsay. The Roose- 
velt Club regrets the unavoidable absence of a man of ideals, of 
independence of thought, of capacity, and of courage, Charles 
Sumner Bird, of Walpole [prolonged applause]. He has been 
its President, its only President, has been, and is its best friend. 
This is not a formal but a family party. It is a great outpour- 
ing, but it is simply an old home reunion, and I am now going to 
do what I never yet have seen done at a dinner of this sort ; I am 
going to tell you who look down upon you — I confess some of 
them somewhat contemptuously — from the head-table, in order 
that you may know who they are [applause]. While I can not in- 
troduce you to them, I can introduce them to you. 

At the extreme left is Richard Darwin Ware, of Amherst, N. H., 
[applause], once a Harvard man, now a farmer, a loyal and ef- 
fective pro-Lodge political satirist. 

Then comes J. Mitchel Galvin [applause], who has led more 
cheers for Henry Cabot Lodge than any man who ever got out 
of bed [laughter]. 

Then comes Samuel Spring, whose principal charm is that he is 
Secretary of The Roosevelt Club [applause], who, incidentally, is 
from California, and who was an old playmate of Hiram John- 
son [applause], so that he is completely at home in a vigorous at- 
mosphere. 

Then comes the Hon. George H. Ellis [loud applause], who is 
a good deal of a commercial acrobat, in that he not only dispenses 
printers' black ink, but white milk ; and who has done as much, in 
making James Jackson, Treasurer, to raise the plane of Massa- 
chusetts politics, as any man I know [applause]. 

Then comes Hon. Seward W. Jones [applause]. He is that 
modest-looking man, who is now drawing back from the table, 
and his principal claim for a seat at this table is, that, as a political 
manager, he started John Weeks toward Congress and the United 
States Senate [laughter and applause]. 

The Hon. Frank B. Hall of Worcester [applause]. To be from 
Worcester is as much as I can say of any man [laughter]. 

The next man is the Hon. Joseph E. Warner [cheers and loud 
applause, long continued], as courageous and as high a type of 
public servant as I have ever seen in Massachusetts. 

The man who sits next to him [Senator Weeks] is an ex-Mayor 
of Newton [laughter and applause] ; and while Henry Cabot 

[8] 



Lodge, as a statesman, has led this fight which has now terminated 
in a great victory, as much has Weeks done, as a man of business, 
towards this result [cheers and applause]. 

Then I come to the Proprietor of the Concord Monitor [Senator 
Moses]. I want to say of that paper that it is very much to its 
credit, the continuous and the loyal way in which it has supported 
the Hon. George H. Moses [laughter and applause]. 

Now, I am going to show you the too-strange spectacle of a 
clergyman and a human being [Bishop Lawrence] [applause and 
laughter]. By which I mean that he has done much to bridge 
that natural chasm between the specialist in spirituality and the 
material man who has consecrated his life to pulling down his 
barns and building greater. 

Do you notice with what restlessness these men [on the Chair- 
man's right] are waiting? [laughter]. I owe them some duty. 
But I shall not betray them. 

On my immediate right, sits a young friend of ours [Mr. 
Lodge], who deserves encouragement, and who is going to get it, 
here, tonight [applause and cheers]. 

Next comes William Whitman, of Goddard Avenue, Brookline, 
I confess I have mislaid the number, but you may be able to lo- 
cate him. He is not only a great and successful manufacturer, 
but he is just as good as he looks. Can I say more? [Applause.] 

Then comes Louis Arthur Coolidge [applause], one of the 
truly preeminently versatile men at this table, who learned human 
nature as a newspaper man, then Assistant Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, a biographer of Ulysses Simpson Grant, but more than that, 
and this is why he sits here, he is the President of the League for 
the Preservation of American Independence, of Massachusetts 
[applause] ; and he has led in Massachusetts the fight which Mr. 
Lodge has led in the country at large. Born in Natick, lives in 
Milton — a very violent transition. 

Then comes a man, who, least of any man at this table, has ever 
needed a tonic. He never drags on his check-rein, but always at 
the curb, always interesting, always virile, Norman H. White, 
who was one of the Lodge leaders, in 1910-1911, when Mr. Foss 
said he was opposing Mr. Lodge for the Senate. Mr. White ar- 
ranged that great Symphony Hall meeting, and marked it, in his 
characteristic way, by insisting that there be but four ornaments 
on the platform, which I will name in the order of their interest, 

[9J 



—a desk, a pitcher of water, a flag, and Henry Cabot Lodge 
[laughter]. 

Then comes Dr. Frederick C. Shattuck, a personal friend of 
Mr. Lodge, and a physician, but off duty, tonight [applause], 
so do not be nervous about your appendix. 

Then comes Dr. William Sturgis Bigelow, the Proprietor of 
Boston's White House, where Theodore Roosevelt always lived, 
and where Mr. Lodge now lives. 

And then, to tone up the table, we go back to Worcester, again, 
with Harry Worcester Smith, the other of the two versatile men, 
here; a great horseman, a great hunter, incidentally a success at 
business, and incidentally, I might add, a great admirer of Mr. 
Lodge [applause]. 

Then comes Ralph S. Bauer, a merchant of Lynn, a vigorous 
and picturesque figure in the political world [applause]. 

Then we come to the Hon. Joseph Walker, who has made but 
one mistake [laughter], and that was, in leaving Worcester 
[laughter]. 

And by his side, former Congressman Fowler, of New Jersey 
[applause], formerly Chairman of the great Committee on Bank- 
ing and Currency, who succeeded Mr. Walker's father, the "Gray 
Eagle of Ouinsigamond." This is why we place them together. 

The last man to be offered up as a sacrifice is the Executive Sec- 
retary of this Club, who has done a great deal to make this din- 
ner a success, William C. Drury. 

Now that you have the atmosphere, now that you have the land- 
scape, it is time to throw the ball onto the diamond. I cannot for- 
get that you have come out, tonight, not only for a chance to 
hear, but for a chance to cheer. 

Henry Cabot Lodge said to me, tonight, "Robert, be cautious" 
[laughter]. I am going to make a half-hearted effort so to be, 
simply because it is his dinner. That is all. But once in a while 
I am going to take the bit into my own teeth, because the rest 
of us have a few rights [laughter]. 

The text of this dinner, tonight, is to be found in the 22nd 
Chapter of St. Matthew, from the 19th to the 21st verses. 

"And he saith unto them. Shew me the tribute money. 
And they brought unto him a penny. And he saith 
unto them. Whose is this image and superscription ? They 

[10] 



say unto him, Caesar's. Then saith he unto them, Render 
therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's." 

[Turning to Mr. Lodge.] 
[Prolonged applause.] 

That is the spirit of this great dinner. No man has hved who 
has not forgotten himself in the worship of a God, a great pur- 
pose, a good woman, or a great man. We are going to live, to- 
night, for we have found the hour, the place and the man. 

There is a peculiar propriety in a dinner to Mr. 
Lodge by The Roosevelt Club — Lodge and Roosevelt 
were as close as any two men. Towards the great war, 
and a dictated and not a negotiated peace and its prob- 
lems, they were in strong sympathy. When Roosevelt 
laid down his torch, Lodge continued to carry his on. 

I have a letter here from a very loyal newspaper supporter of 
Mr. Lodge, the Editor of the Boston Transcript, James T. Wil- 
liams, Jr. [applause], and with your permission I am going to 
read it to you. It is written as only a gentleman and a man of 
education can write a letter. There is nothing commonplace about 
it. It is marked all over with "WilHams." Can I say more? 
"Called away on the eve of The Roosevelt Club's din- 
ner to Senator Lodge, I cannot go without expressing 
my appreciation of the Club's invitation and my sense of 
loss at being denied the privilege of joining in its tribute 
to one to whom this generation owes more than it will 
ever be able to pay. There sticks in my memory an in- 
cident that I witnessed as our senior senator was leav- 
ing the Capitol on the night that the Senate, under his 
leadership, returned to the White House, unratified, the 
unpurged Treaty of Versailles. A Democratic senator 
from the South, who, for reasons it is unnecessary to 
recall, had sacrificed his convictions in obedience to the 
executive will, broke through the crowd on the Capitol 
steps that was waiting to cheer the victorious leader in 
a great cause, and, putting his hand upon Senator Lodge's 
shoulder, said, with deep feeling: 

" 'I want to congratulate you. There is hardly 
a senator on my side of the Senate who, in his heart, 

[11] 



does not love and admire you for your gallant fight. 
Courage such as yours is what the country needs.' 

"Over and above the vision of Straight Americanism 
that led him, over and above the deep conviction that 
spurred his every step, over and above the consistency 
with which the matchless interpreter of Washington's life 
and heritage steered the Senate's course in defence of 
Washington's conception of 'an American character' in 
foreign affairs, we owe, and those who come after us 
will treasure in grateful memory, the shining example 
of the patient, quiet courage that Senator Lodge has 
shown through it all — a courage that has taught his 
countrymen anew that — 

'They are slaves who dare not be 
In the right with two or three.' " 

[Applause.] 

When, at some future day, I hope far distant, for may he live as 
long as he wants, Henry Cabot Lodge presents himself before 
Saint Peter to qualify for a seat in Paradise, he need simply file 
a certified copy of that great Resolution by the thirty-nine Sena- 
tors, which first laid down the issue in this fight, and then rest his 
case. One of these Senators sits here, and the other writes this 
telegram, Hon. Frank B. Brandegee, and when Brandegee praises, 
every word is sincere : 

"Am taking my first vacation in five years and deeply 
regret that I cannot be with you this evening to assure 
your distinguished assembly of the affection and admira- 
tion in which I hold Senator Lodge. His masterly lead- 
ership of the Senate furnishes one of the brightest pages 
in the history of our country. Long may he live to safe- 
guard America." 

[Applause.] 

I have a letter, here, just like the writer, an original letter and a 
virile letter, from one of the strongest public speakers in the 
country, today, a man to whom the League never looked like very 
much of an open question, the Hon. William E. Borah of Idaho, 
sometimes called Borah, The Bitter [applause]. 

[12] 



"I find, for reasons which I have already explained 
more fully, that it is going to be practically impossible for 
me to attend the dinner. I wish it were practical for me 
to be with you. I feel we all owe a debt of gratitude to 
Senator Lodge. The long struggle, through which we 
have been passing for months, to preserve the indepen- 
dence and to retrieve the honor of this country, has re- 
vealed in an unmistakable way his outstanding ability 
as a statesman and his undoubted Americanism. 

"I do not recall, from the days of the younger Pitt 
until now, a man who has been called upon to lead a 
parliamentary battle under more difficult and complex 
circumstances and of graver moment, and who led it 
with such consummate tact and patience, and finally, 
with such ability and success. When the story is finally 
written of the long contest over the Treaty, Senator 
Lodge will take his place among the first in parliamen- 
tary warfare. 

"Massachusetts has had many great and noble sons, 
whom she has been proud to honor, but, from my view- 
point, none more worthy of the admiration and com- 
mendation of the Old Commonwealth than Henry Cabot 
Lodge. 

"I trust you will understand how deeply I regret I can 
not be present, and how sincerely I wish for all of you 
a great and delightful occasion." 

[Applause]. 

There is one man whose presence we sorely miss, here, tonight. 
He was a pioneer for preparedness when there were but three: 
Theodore Roosevelt, Leonard Wood; and Augustus Peabody 
Gardner, who showed his fine spirit by the manner of his death. 
The transition, here, to him is a natural one, for he was like a 
son to the honored guest of the evening. It, therefore, may be 
fitting for me, now, to read to you a Resolution spread upon the 
Records of The Roosevelt Club, at his death : 

Augustus Peabody Gardner 
"Unique and stimulating, his charm and vigor set off 
in outline sharp against men anemic and palsied, in their 
hopes, in their fawning for favor and in their fear of 

[13] 



frowns, he gloried in a life outside the ruts ; hand-made 
and not machine-made, too few of his kind; always go- 
ing somewhere, and human enough to chance mistakes 
and big enough to overshadow them ; true to his own na- 
ture, in times when politicians play a part, he was as 
much himself in public as in private life ; a hard worker, 
a hard fighter, alive and courageous, brilliant and pic- 
turesque, the most interesting figure in many pages of the 
political history of the commonwealth ; he leaves us with 
a touch of loss as of our own, and the world better for 
his having been of it." 

Two great strong characteristics, individuality and virility. The 
first speaker of the evening is a man who has those two great 
qualities, individuality and virility, a man who dares to blaze 
his way outside the ruts, the Senior Senator from New Hamp- 
shire, Hon. George H. Moses. 

MR. MOSES 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

My first duty of course is to assure you that I know exactly my 
destination, because I know my leader. My next is to congratu- 
late The Roosevelt Club upon having weathered that period of 
infantile stress which is marked by eructation, eruption and con- 
tagion, and to wish for it a vigorous and prosperous future. And 
my third and chief duty, though confessing myself somewhat at 
a loss in finding myself on a program of three speakers only, and 
the other two being a Bishop and a Boss [laughter], to say to the 
distinguished guest of the evening what the toastmaster has 
omitted to say, namely, the truth [laughter]. Those of you who 
hail Lodge as a great leader little know him. As a matter of fact 
he is the reincarnation of Simon Legree [laughter], and he never 
said to those of us, the freshman members of the committee, who 
sat down at the lower end of the table, "Come," but he sent us 
forward under the lash of the slave driver [laughter] ; and hav- 
ing thoroughly cowed the already submissive natures of Hiram 
Johnson and myself, he was able, through our timidity and docil- 
ity, to achieve the great triumph which has been so graphically de- 
picted by the presiding officer and which all the country and all 
the world now know. 

[14] 



But, Senator Lodge, those of us who have followed you in the 
last two years, those of us who have been with you in the thick 
of the fight which you planned and which you carried out so splen- 
didly, can never tell and never find words to express that which 
we and all other Americans owe to you for your unswerving 
courage, for your splendid management and for the fine spirit 
in which you accepted the fruits of your great victory. And I 
rejoice to know that everyone of those 49 whom you held to- 
gether and led — and voted eti bloc time after time — will be with 
you in the Sixty-seventh Congress, ready to go with you into a 
fight or a frolic, and ready to obey your orders, whether they be 
"Come" or "Go." 

I hope you will pardon any touch of familiarity if I turn to 
you in paraphrase of the words which Eugene Field addressed to 
Charles A. Dana, and say to you, — 

God bless you, Henry Cabot ! May you live a thousand 

years. 
To help us on our journey through this weary vale of 

tears. 
And may I live a thousand, too — a thousand less a day ; 
For I wouldn't want to be on earth to hear you'd passed 

away. 

[Applause]. 

But of course I well understand that I am not here, ladies and 
gentlemen, merely for purposes of exhibitioru Nor yet am I 
here as the holder of the great blue ribbon, as that man who in 
New England this summer has climbed over more stone walls, 
tramped over more acres of mowing and hoeing, rung more door 
bells, shaken more hands, kissed more babies and patted more 
dogs than any man of my years [laughter]. I understand that 
in the 25 minutes allotted to me I am to settle the whole course of 
our future foreign relations. 

No one better than the distinguished Chairman of the Foreign 
Relations Committee knows that one of my functions is to offer 
unsolicited advice [laughter], and I have never been troubled by 
the impudent demand made upon those of us who are variously 
styled "irreconcilables," "bitter enders," "shock troops." I have 
never been disturbed by the demand of those who brought to us 
the Treaty of Versailles — a document which I can never fittingly 

[15] 



characterize [laughter]. It represents to me the fooHsh and fatu- 
ous work of Woodrow Wilson and the four other gagged and 
shackled Americans who accompanied him, aided by a regiment of 
1300 experts, cartographers, statisticians, stenographers, inter- 
preters, social secretaries, attaches and hangers-on, who wasted 
seven months in Europe, spent $37,000 in laundry bills [laughter] 
and brought back to us a document which I may characterize as 
nothing better than a wretched rag. [Laughter.] 

At any rate, it seems to have passed into the company of those 
whom the President-elect terms in language, the "deceased" ; and, 
now that it has gone, those who are responsible for it turn to us 
and impudently say, "Well, what would you do ?" That does not 
bother me at all, Mr. Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re- 
lations. I am ready with a remedy. 

I have sometimes claimed, ladies and gentlemen, that I am the 
only living expert on this League of Nations thing to be found 
in captivity. I helped make a league of nations once. I still pos- 
sess as one of the most precious of my papers the original draft of 
the first document exchanged between the Governments of Greece 
and Bulgaria in the making of the Balkan League. I used to be 
somewhat amused when my classically-minded colleagues reached 
down into the recesses of early Hellenistic history and held up 
the Amphyctionic league to prove to us that the League of Nations 
idea was not new. I, myself, in the last ten years have seen four 
leagues of nations in operation in the theatre of their greatest ac- 
tivity, the Balkan Peninsula. One by one I have seen the four — 
the Balkan League, the Triple Alliance, the Triple Entente, and 
above them all the greatest, certainly the most powerful league 
of nations ever yet formed, the concert of great powers of Eu- 
rope signatory to the Treaty of Berlin — I have seen them all four 
crumble and fall apart. And the significant thing about it, ladies 
and gentlemen, is that the one league of those four which lasted 
the longest and did its work the best was the one league of the 
four which never undertook to reduce its obligations to the form 
of a written instrument ; was the one league of the four which 
never sought to compress its own members or the nations of the 
world within the straight-jacket of a treaty; was the one league 
of the four which never had to turn to the contract to determine 
what its obligations were ; was the one league of the four in which 
no member could say to another, "Is it so nominated in the bond?" 

[16] 



The Triple Entente was formed by exchanges of notes, by dec- 
larations of policy and by oral conversation. And while it, with 
the other three leagues which I have seen, also crumbled and fell 
apart when Russia went out, I call you to witness, ladies and gen- 
tlemen, that when Russia went out from the company of the 
Triple Entente, Russia at the same moment went out from the so- 
ciety of civilized nations. But the two remaining partners went 
on with the work, went through to the end, and shared in the 
glory of the great victory. And so, when they ask of me, "Well, 
what would you do?", I declare unhesitatingly that I stand upon 
the base line of the Round Robin, a document more far-reaching 
in its consequences than was foreseen even by the courageous and 
brilliant leader who first signed the list — and to whom I am glad 
to say I was a blithesome fifth; a document more far-reaching in 
its consequences than any of us who signed it could believe; a 
document which in its essence declared the Constitutional pre- 
rogative of the President's equal partners in the treaty-making 
enterprise; and, a document which, more than that, clearly set 
up the differentiation between the two unrelated purposes which 
allured the President to Paris and which in the end were his un- 
doing. 

For reasons which he has never adequately made clear and 
which we may not conjecture lest we subject ourselves to criti- 
cism for attacking a poor, sick man who remains nevertheless 
strong enough to retain his grasp upon the great office which he 
admittedly cannot administer; for reasons which do little credit 
to the President's qualities of heart and head, however much they 
may administer to his ambition, Mr. Wilson formulated and was 
permitted to make good the impudent threat that he would tie the 
Covenant of his League of Nations into the body of the Treaty 
which his European colleagues at Versailles were writing to suit 
themselves and that when he brought the instrument back it would 
not be a cadaver. 

This last prediction proved to be only partly true. The Treaty 
of Versailles, as it was laid before us, was living but moribund. 
Today, we turn from its coffin without tears and without rejoicing 
— except in the sober sense of gratitude that the nation has been 
spared the wearisome and wicked burden which the President's 
Treaty would have laid upon us; and we seek now the method 
with which we may achieve for ourselves and the world the only 

[17] 



purpose in the Treaty of Versailles which merits a challenge from 
our attention. 

That purpose is to accomplish for ourselves the peace of which 
the President has sternly deprived us for more than two years and 
to make that peace not only for ourselves but for all the world. 

This purpose the President has sought to accomplish through 
his League of Nations and in this moment of his decaying powers 
we will not seek to deprive him of the distinction of his good in- 
tent. Let us charitably say that he was mistaken ; let us reluct- 
antly admit that in his quality of spokesman and negotiator at 
Paris he was outwitted ; let us recognize fully that his people have 
rejected his nostrum ; let us see what we may do more wisely and 
more efficiently. 

To me, as I have said, the course is distressingly simple ; and 
involves no departure whatever from accepted diplomatic prac- 
tice. 

Even if we had ratified the Treaty of Versailles — with or with- 
out amendment and reservation — we still would find it necessary 
to complement that action by an ordinary treaty of Amity and 
Commerce. For the Peace Treaty, so far as the United States is 
concerned, brought us nothing beyond the establishment of a con- 
dition of technical peace consonant with the status of actual peace 
which we have dubiously enjoyed since November 11, 1918. For 
us the Treaty of Versailles contains nothing of special value ; since 
we have neither asked nor been awarded reparation. For myself 
I have constantly looked upon the instrument as positively detri- 
mental to the United States because of its abhorrent provisions 
tying us into the numerous enforcement commissions which make 
it operative, which deal with unrelated subjects of no concern to 
us and which force us to take the great responsibility of making 
and maintaining difficult and delicate decisions — decisions which 
can be maintained only by us and by us only through constant and 
costly expenditure of military force. Whatever of affirmative 
value the Treaty of Versailles brings to us we may secure by the 
immediate repeal of the Congressional Resolution which declared 
a state of war. 

It is true that there will still remain some questions at issue be- 
tween the nationals of the United States and the nationals of 
Germany. These, however, are of relative unimportance and 
turn merely upon the question of reciprocal rights to property 

[18] 



which the condition of war has rendered nebulous ; and they may 
be readily adjusted by a few extraneous clauses in a treaty of 
Amity and Commerce which we must have in any event and which 
will not greatly depart from its stereotyped character through 
the setting up of an international body along the lines of the Span- 
ish Treaty Claims Commission for the determination of these is- 
sues. 

This being done — and I share in the President-elect's hope that 
it may be done speedily after the fourth of March — there will be 
no let or hindrance to the establishment, in such form as we may 
determine, of some mechanism to minimize the menace of militar- 
ism, to prevent war and to preserve peace. 

In point of fact, it is wholly possible and wholly within the 
limits of recognized international procedure to establish our own 
status of peace and to move forward for the peace of the world 
through the same instrument. 

In June, 1919, the Senator from Pennsylvania, Mr. Knox, 
foreseeing the trap into which our lonely negotiator at Paris was 
being led, presented a resolution expressive of American opinion 
regarding the manner in which the Conference at Versailles should 
proceed. No man in or out of Congress was better qualified to 
formulate this opinion. His experience as lawyer, as Senator, as 
Attorney-General and as Secretary of State, joined to his great 
and undoubted patriotism, made him the fitting spokesman for 
the splendid ideal of American devotion to peace which has con- 
stantly illuminated the course of our international relations; and 
his suggestion, if it had commanded adoption, would have shaped 
the policy of the Versailles Peace Conference, so far as we were 
concerned, to the imposing of a victor's peace upon our foe and 
synchronously of making a declaration of policy which would 
preserve the entire purpose of Mr. Wilson's League of Nations — 
and this with no contravention of our Constitutional system. 

The Knox Resolution to which I refer was written in five sec- 
tions ; and as I have lately turned to it I have been amazed to see 
how accurately the fifth paragraph fits into the situation which 
now confronts us, how closely it conforms to that policy which 
the President-elect has outlined, and how wholly it serves the 
great purpose which every sane man wishes to see carried out. 

Its language is as follows : "Finally, it shall be the declared pol- 
icy of our Government, in order to meet fully and fairly our ob- 

[19] 



ligations to ourselves and to the world, that, the freedom and 
peace of Europe being again threatened by any power or combi- 
nation of powers, the United States will regard such a situation 
with grave concern as a menace to its own peace and freedom, 
will consult with other powers affected with a view to devising 
means for the removal of such menace, and will, the necessity aris- 
ing in the future, carry out the same complete accord and co-opera- 
tion with our chief co-belligerents for the defense of civilization." 

Here, Mr. President, the United States meets its every obliga- 
tion to the world; and if a similar declaration shall be made, 
either by parliamentary action or through an exchange of notes 
by other powers bound together by the same purpose, we shall 
have an Association of Nations which will fit everything that the 
President-elect has said he will seek, which will comport with our 
Constitution, which will bring the entire power of the United 
States to the side of those who would prevent war, which will con- 
tain everything that the United States can give and which will 
make an Association of Nations that neither parchment, sealing 
wax, blue ribbons, nor signatures affixed in any one's own name 
and own proper authority could make more binding, effective or 
obligatory. 

Such a declaration of policy by us and the other powers actu- 
ated by a similar purpose will in no wise interfere with the codi- 
fication of international law, the creation of a court to decide in- 
ternational differences, or any other measure which might be agreed 
upon to lessen the probability of war. And it would in every 
sense stand in that background where the President's League of 
Nations places force as a great moral agent whose constant ten- 
dency would be to encourage nations to come to agreements with- 
out a breach of the peace. 

For such a declaration of policy I have once voted, for such a 
declaration of policy I shall vote again at the earliest opportunity. 
And I have no misgivings. The United States has never shrunk 
from any of its responsibility. No sane man wishes to thwart 
any mechanism which shall minimize the necessity for war, or 
which shall tend to perpetuate peace ; but those of us who follow 
the lead of the guest of the evening are resolved now more firmly 
than ever that whenever the United States goes into an associa- 
tion of nations it will go in on terms of superiority, asserting its 
own leadership, sitting at the head of the table, possessing as 

[20] 



may votes as any other power represented there [cheers and ap- 
plause], and maintaining always its own constitutional freedom 
of action. And I want to say to you, Mr. Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Delations, if you are not prepared to give us 
that kind of association from your place in the Senate, I want 
you to be sentenced to the Department of State and give it to us 
there. 

THE CHAIRMAN. 

I succeeded, the other day, in finding, in Massachusetts, a gentle- 
man, I use the word with deliberation, who said he had voted for 
Mr. Cox. I asked him, why. He told me that Warren Harding 
was a very small man, and that he would be led about, and that 
he even would be owned. I told my friend that, even if this were 
so, that it was on just that ground that I was voting for Mr. 
Harding, because it would be a new sensation for me to have a 
President that I owned, rather than one that owned me [applause 
and laughter]. This is a brighter audience than I generally ad- 
dress [laughter]. 

The Republican party is said by some to be the party of mo- 
nopoly, but there is just one monopoly from which it shrinks, 
and that is an intellectual monopoly. When Woodrow Wilson 
went abroad he told the people of France that the people were all 
with him, — meaning, probably, the people on the ship [laughter]. 
But you must remember that the people on the ship were in a very 
peculiar position. They had either to remain with him, or jump 
into the sea, and this presents a very serious alternative. They re- 
mained with him, as I should have remained with him, although I 
am a pretty loyal Republican. 

The United States Senate wants in the White House, not a 
boss but a partner [applause], and they have found a man, who, 
whether he is large or small, is just small enough to take advice 
[applause], and he is just big enough to take advice from such 
men as Mr. Lodge and Mr. Moses and Mr. Weeks [applause]. 
The wise man in this world is the man who shapes his course, not 
on his mentality alone, but on the aggregate of the advice that he 
can get from wise counsel, for, as it is said in the Scriptures, in a 
multitude of counsellors there is safety. 

There are four words on the wall behind me ; "Washington," 
■"Lincoln," "Roosevelt," and "Lodge." George Washington 

[21] 



made the country, Lincoln saved it. In 1920, marching together, 
the spirit of Roosevelt and the mind of Lodge have saved the 
country, again. 

There are not many dinners like this, and there will not be 
many like it. Someone asked me, the other day, if The Roose- 
velt Club were still alive. This dinner is the answer, 

I am going to introduce to you, now, a man who is a member of 
the Lodge class of '71 at Harvard, who has known Mr. Lodge for 
years. One pessimistic person said to me, the other day, "You 
cannot get a clergyman to pronounce a benediction over Mr. 
Lodge" [laughter]. It has been a very easy matter. We have 
not only got a clergyman, but we have got a Bishop, and if we had 
had another week, we would have had the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, here, and he would have jumped at the job [applause]. 

We have, here, tonight a man who has been the Episcopal Bishop 
of Massachusetts for 27 years. He is the seventh Bishop. One 
served for 32 years, the longest term ; the next for 30 years, the 
second longest; and the next speaker has served for 27 years. 
Apparently, 50 years old, he will soon make that 32 years look 
like three weeks. It is enough to say of him, that he successfully 
took up the arduous task of succeeding the great Phillips Brooks. 
He has not only the art of making Christianity interesting to the 
practical business man, but, more than that, he is a man of splen- 
did business capacity. Only four years ago, he finished the great 
work of raising $7,000,000 to take care of the clergy who had 
got to an age where they could not work. This is the man who has 
done this, and only last night, Mr. Lodge said to me, "You cannot 
begin to appreciate the amount of good that man has done" — 
William Lawrence [applause, all standing]. 

BISHOP LAWRENCE 

You always learn something when you hear Washburn talk. 
I never knew how many years the different bishops reigned in. 
Massachusetts. It is very interesting to me to discover that I 
have got to live so many years to surpass the terms of my prede- 
cessors. 

Over 60 years of friendship, Mr. Toastmaster, cannot be com- 
pressed into an after-dinner speech. 

As boys, Cabot Lodge and I, who were born in the same month,. 

[22] 




Copyright, Harris & Ewing 





^ . y^/^^ff^ ( 




THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 
BOSTON 



CHRISTMAS 1920 



whose surnames begin with L, sat beside each other at school for 
five years ; and in college, except when a youth called Lewis in- 
serted his body between us, for four years more. 

In the summers at Nahant we played together, rowed and sailed 
together ; and with other boys swam and dived off the rock, which 
because of our state of nature, allowed to boys in those happy 
bathing days, has ever since been called Cupid Rock, and will so 
stand in the chronicles of Nahant [laughter]. 

The boys of that day delighted in destruction, more I think 
than boys do in these later times. How well I remember one 
sunny morning when three of us, Cabot included, smashed the 
windows of his mother's stable and other buildings, and the ex- 
citing chase from the Lodge's gardener. Our boyhood was the 
middle of the 19th century, and in the halycon days of New Eng- 
land's provincial glory. 

Let me recall the background to Cabot Lodge's boyhood. We 
were born in the very middle of the 19th century and in the same 
month. He is a good deal older than I am, though [laughter]. 
He was born the 12th of May, and I was born later [laughter]. 
As he was trundled by his nurse along the sidewalk of Winthrop 
Place and Summer Street, such neighbors as Daniel Webster and 
Rufus Choate, George Bancroft and Wendell Phillips looked upon 
his cherubic face [laughter]. 

As he played upon the Nahant piazza, Longfellow, Charles 
Sumner, Agassiz, Prescott, Lothrop Motley and the merchant 
princes of Boston conversed. Some of these men and others. Dr. 
Holmes, Francis Parkman, the Lees, Eliots and Lowells became 
his friends and counselors. 

In boyhood in his father's new house on Beacon Hill, he lived 
next to the beautiful and historic mansion of John Hancock, and 
next beyond was the State House. Every regiment passing in re- 
view before Governor Andrew in the Civil War marched under 
his window. 

His family stock on both sides was of marked patriotism. 
George Cabot, his great-grandfather, was a distinguished states- 
man of his day, a friend of Washington and close friend of Alex- 
ander Hamilton. His was a home of exceptional culture; both 
parents were saturated with the best of English literature. 

At ten years of age he had read with avidity every Waverley 
novel. His tastes were scholarly. In college he read rather than 

[23] 



studied, and absorbed as much of the social and theatrical as he 
did the academic life. Upon the stage he looked and acted well 
the part of a girl [laughter], and as a playwright made his mark. 

Entering upon the happiest of marriages on the very day after 
graduation, one of the hottest days I ever felt, he concentrated al- 
most immediately upon a life of literature. Henry Adams kin- 
dled his love of history, and from that time on he has been an 
industrious and ceaseless worker. 

Some men, even some Senators, imagine that at their birth his- 
tory begins ; and that men and nations may start anew upon any 
theories they may propound. 

Cabot Lodge's historic interest and study have held his vision 
in true perspective ; human experiences throughout the ages are 
knitted together, warp and woof, and nations move on from his- 
tory to history, and the wise student gains prophetic vision of 
coming events. 

Soon his ancestry, his associations and the unconscious and 
mysterious working of events thrust Cabot Lodge into political 
life. I have never been able to discover what else drove him there. 
His temperament and tastes were aristocratic, exclusive and very 
refined. And even in the hurly-burly of politics, henchmen, the 
shouts of rallies and the handshaking of the masses, he has never 
completely lost himself in that phase of democracy. 

The real power that drove him, I am inclined to believe, was his 
ancestral stock — they were patriots, he would be a patriot — and 
a fine ambition — he loved his country and he would give his life 
in her service. 

His entrance into national politics came at a most unfortunate 
time. Mr. Blaine, who to the mind of the finest and most sen- 
sitive of the American people, stood for the worst elements in the 
Republican party, was nominated for the Presidency. Most of 
Mr. Lodge's political friends bolted. Loyalty to purity and in- 
dependence of party affiliations was their test of patriotism. 

Cabot Lodge, who had opposed the nomination of Mr. Blaine, 
convinced that party government was essential to the good gov- 
ernment of the country, and that unless the party were traitorous, 
loyalty to party outweighed consideration of persons, stood, there- 
fore, by the Republican party; and although by his conduct he 
showed no sympathy with its candidate, he found himself de- 
serted by most of his old friends, who felt that he had traduced 
the cause of high character in political life. 

[24] 



In that struggle was cemented with Theodore Roosevelt a 
friendship which, through Roosevelt's unique power of bringing 
forth from every man the best that was in him, has for these 
past 40 years brought to the front and into the service of his coun- 
try much of the finest elements that were latent in the character of 
Cabot Lodge. 

Unlike in some essential features, disagreeing often in second- 
ary matters, they were throughout in agreement upon the funda- 
mental principles of the Constitution, the Federal Government, 
purity of administration, and the integrity of the nation. 

This very week Theodore Roosevelt's eldest sister told me that 
in the early election days Theodore sat up into the night waiting 
for the election returns, always insistent that he must hear the re- 
sult of Cabot's election, and going to bed with a contented heart 
as soon as the telegram announcing his election came from his 
friend. 

Our guest has the faculty or misfortune of being frequently 
misunderstood. There were years when many thought him luke- 
warm or hostile to civil service reform. Roosevelt as Civil Ser- 
vice Commissioner named him as the chief and leading supporter 
of the cause. 

Their knowledge of history and statecraft convinced these two 
that mediaeval Spain was an anachronism in the Western world ; 
and when the menace went beyond endurance and the Maine was 
destroyed, they led in the determined stand of the United States ; 
and it was Roosevelt, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy who 
with and by the advice of Lodge sent the momentous preparatory 
telegram to Dewey. In his published autobiography, as he has 
said to me again and again, Roosevelt wrote: "Throughout his 
quarter of a century service in the Senate and House, Cabot Lodge 
has ever stood foremost among those who uphold with farsighted 
fearlessness and strict justice to others our national honor and 
interest." 

When the great war opened in August, 1914, and the Germans, 
breaking faith with this as well as other nations, sent their army 
through Belgium, these two men with others grasped the situa- 
tion, and reiterated their demand for preparation in case we were 
driven to war; and with the sinking of the Lusitania they were 
clear and outspoken that the safety as well as the honor of the 
nation demanded immediate action. What a saving of life and 

[25] 



treasure and honor to this country had their counsels been fol- 
lowed ! 

War came, and with it the hurried scramble for preparation 
and action. Unsympathetic at almost every point with the meth- 
ods and principles of the Administration, tingling with passion at 
evident delays, inefficiency and partisanship, even when the Na- 
tion's safety was at stake, Cabot Lodge never once wavered in 
supporting the Administration in every act, resolve and enter- 
prise for the honor of the country, the prosecution of the war 
and final victory [applause]. 

Before and in the early days of the war, a magnificent ideal 
had been gaining a hold upon a part of the American people — 
that of a federation or family of Nations, whereby mutual under- 
standing could be gained, war superseded and perpetual peace at- 
tained. 

Very few men had thought the subject through to the practical 
conclusions. We were captivated by the ideal. And when the 
amnesty was declared, that vision glowed with life before millions 
of those who had given of their best in the war. 

When the President went to France, he carried with him, I be- 
lieve, the hopes of the mass of his fellow citizens that in some way 
and at some time in the near future that vision might be realized. 

How vividly that brilliant scene comes before us when on Feb- 
ruary 24, 1919, Mr. Wilson, landing at Boston, went through our 
streets amidst the triumphant applause of the multitudes ! With 
him he brought the proposed Covenant of the League of Nations. 
Had the day come when people were to beat their swords into 
plowshares, and there was to be war no more ? 

Soon the book was opened and the particular practical applica- 
tion of the ideal began to dawn upon those who took the trouble 
to read and study the Covenant. 

I remember well the first time that I read these words, "The 
members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as 
against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing 
political independence of all members of the League." 

I could hardly believe my eyes, and I read it again and again, and 
repeated to myself : "This nation undertakes to preserve against 
external aggression every boundary created by the great Treaty of 
Peace." 

The essence of a treaty is clearness of statement and the least 

[26] 



possible ambiguity in statement of conditions. Conditions were 
stated— exactly what was not clear. These were only moral ob- 
ligations we were told. One statement was, however, clear, "to 
preserve against external aggression every boundary." 

The reaction from the ideal to the practical application was an 
awful disappointment, and a shock. I wrote to Senator Lodge 
on the moment, that I did not see how any American could support 
that clause. If it meant what it said, it involved not peace, but 
perpetual war; if it did not mean what it said, it was a "scrap of 
paper." [Applause.] 

The Senator from New Hampshire has already told you of the 
struggle. I need not pass through that. He knows; I do not. 
We only know that there was statesmanship and leadership with 
patience and thought worthy of the highest traditions of the best 
statesmanship, in the history of this country. 

Upon the Senior Senator from Massachusetts, chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Relations under former Administrations, 
student of international law, statesman experienced in the mak- 
ing and interpretation of treaties, fell the responsibility of guid- 
ing and leading the people of this land to an intelligent apprecia- 
tion of the significance of the covenant. 

He and a small band of Senators, for upon the Senate rested, 
under the Constitution, great responsibility, undertook to re- 
build in the hearts and consciences and intelligence of the people 
the conviction of the integrity, the duty and the independence of 
this Nation. 

The story of these 18 months has been streaked with passion 
and tragedy ; it has also been illuminated by the gradual revela- 
tion of 100,000,000 of people of the grandeur and power of their 
country, "the land of the free and the home of the brave." 

And in this great campaign the heart, mind and voice of Cabot 
Lodge, through whom has seemed to come the life and voice of 
Theodore Roosevelt, have led. 

Politician, Cabot Lodge may be at times, but in this crisis he has 
been moved only by the deepest sense of duty, of love for his 
country, and a desire to see her so stand that in time she may best 
serve all the nations of the world [applause]. 

May I add two more thoughts, Mr. Toastmaster, and I am 
done. 

By the overwhelming vote of the American people the Republi- 

[27] 



can party is in power, the Covenant of the League of Nations as 
presented is dead ; but the ideal of the people which gave the first 
promptings to the League is alive, living in the hearts and minds 
of disappointed, expectant and loyal citizens. 

Those who led in the great campaign of education and loyalty 
have now a greater task, that of such constructive leadership and 
legislation as will place this Nation where she may take her place 
and do her worthy part among the nations of the world. 

Before one can give of his life for another, he must have a 
strong and individual life to give. We have now gained our in- 
tegrity. America is first in our hearts. But so long as we are 
citizens of the world, America cannot be all in all to her people; 
she never has been. Again and again she has sprung to the ser- 
vice of others. 

There is now an existent League of Nations. Will our Nation 
enter into it, and under what conditions? If not, what will she 
do? Something she must do — not hurriedly, but as the way 
opens — and the way must open — whereby this Nation takes a 
leading part in international comity and understanding, in inter- 
national action, which will lead toward a deepening sense of 
brotherhood, and just and lasting peace. 

Finally, my old friend, let me say of you and before 
you what few of these guests know, that beneath your 
occasional sharpness of tongue and vigor of language 
and deed, there rests one of the tenderest of hearts, and a 
sentiment as sweet and refined as any man would wish 
to have, and a sentiment of such delicacy and refine- 
ment and afiFection as belong to those who are of the 
choice characters of the world [applause]. 

THE CHAIRMAN. 

When Bishop Lawrence says it has been a glorious victory, 
he is well within the facts, for I have heard no one, as yet, suggest 
a recount. Here is the man [pointing at Mr. Lodge], who made 
the issue, which made the victory, which saved the Constitution. 

(Introducing Mr. Lodge.) 

While this dinner has been, technically, in progress 
for only about three hours, I am authorized, by Bishop 
Lawrence, and by the Proprietor of the Concord Moni- 

[28] 



tor (Senator Moses), to state, that it is, only now, in 
substance, about to begin. Under the exigencies of the 
situation in which I find myself, I can hear, in my imag- 
ination, the sound of the Judge's bell, and the beat of the 
hoofs of the horses upon the soft surface of the back- 
stretch, music to the ears of the sportsman. When the 
sun hangs high in the heavens, and its rays beat down 
hot upon the track, then is trotted the three minute class 
[pointing to Senator Moses], and then, the 2.30 class 
[pointing to Bishop Lawrence]. When the sun begins 
to droop and reach the western horizon, and its heat is 
mellowed by the dying hours of the day, then is jogged 
out upon the track the great Lou Dillon, in her race 
against time, and the sportsman hangs over the rail. 
Even now, the grooms are struggling with the coverings 
of the great thoroughbred, and I hasten to help them to 
hasp the last buckle of the last boot. 

No dinner is a success unless built up to a climax. When 
the speaker of the evening strikes his stride, even that climax 
will continue to climax. 

The Literary Department of The Roosevelt Club submits this 
Resolution for adoption : 

Resolved, at a Dinner of five hundred loyal American 
men and women, given by The Roosevelt Club, in honor 
of the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, our strong obligation 
to him. Senior Senator from Massachusetts, Leader of 
the Senate, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re- 
lations, he has successfully lead the great struggle for the 
preservation of the Declaration of Independence and the 
Constitution, in the third crisis of the country. Like a 
Sentinel on his own rocks of Nahant, with penetrating 
and protecting eye towards the Nations of Europe, his 
thoughts, his hopes, his struggles have been, ever, first, 
for America. We recognize, in him, A Great Defender 
of the Faith. Our hearts are his. He is our own. 

Those in favor of its adoption will stand [all rise]. It is 
a unanimous vote. 

Henry Cabot Lodge first fastened himself upon the attention 

[29] 



of the country, as a man of letters, and also as an efficient public 
speaker. I like that expression better than that tired term, 
"orator," — an efficient public speaker. He is the great Scholar 
of the Senate, having shared that distinction, at one time, with 
the late Senator George Frisbie Hoar, of Worcester. 

Strong, in the simplicity of his style, many men in this room 
remember, back in 1908, in the old days before the direct 
primary [laughter], and before the people began to rule, we 
had a great State Convention, and the issue was, whether we 
should pledge our delegates, to Chicago. Augustus Peabody 
Gardner, always interesting, led down from Essex County a 
band of his own fighting Indians, and said to them, "We will 
take father's scalp back to the Essex district." Then Henry 
Cabot Lodge went to work on that great gathering, he addressed 
it as only he could, and, under the power of his oratory, that once 
fighting band of Indians became a demoralized rout of anemic 
women [laughter]. 

You have read those beautiful words of his, from his tribute to 
Massachusetts, in his debate with John E. Russell, Democratic 
Congressman from the old Tenth Worcester District, when 
democratic congressmen, there, were curios, only to be found 
in museums: — 

"Massachusetts. 

"We love the old State. The sand hills of the Cape, 
with the gulls wheeling over the waste of waters ; the 
gray ledges and green pastures of Essex, with the seas 
surging forever on her rocks ; the broad and fruitful 
valleys of the Connecticut ; the dark hills and murmur- 
ing streams of Berkshire, have to us a tender charm no 
other land can give. They breathe to us the soft message 
that tells of home and country." [October, 1891.] 

You remember him in another great speech, and no greater 
speech was ever heard than that in Symphony Hall, in 1911, 
when he spoke these words, a splendid enunciation of his Ameri- 
canism, today. 

"I am a Senator of the United States. My first al- 
legiance as an American is to the great nation founded, 
built up, preserved by heroic sacrifices and untold treas- 

[30] 



ure. My first loyalty is to that bright flag in which the 
stars glitter and to which we bare our heads in homage 
as it floats above our soldiers and our sailors, and the 
sight of which dims our eyes and chokes our throats 
when we see it in a foreign land." [Lodgical in 1920.] 
You remember his tribute to Theodore Roosevelt, at a great 
memorial service in the Senate of the United States, in 1919, when 
he closed with this quotation : — 

" 'So Valiant-for-Truth passed over, and all the 
trumpets sounded for him on the other side.' " 
These are words, almost swamping in their power of emotional 
appeal, which even he dreaded to approach. 

That is the man as he was. Today, he has become a Parliamen- 
tarian and a Patriot. There has been a transition. Few men 
in this great room know the price he has paid, in fighting this fight. 
Few men, here, know the drain on the physique of two, long, hot 
summers in the City of Washington. There he has stood, like 
Horatius at the bridge, fighting that fight, living out, almost liter- 
ally, those beautiful words of Longfellow : 

"A youth, who bore 'mid snow and ice, 
A banner, with the strange device, 
Excelsior !" 

Most men, when they have lived to three score years and ten, 
are content to rest. He has but touched the peak of his develop- 
ment. He is, today, not only in the full vigor and bloom of his 
mental strength, but he has only just begun to bloom. 

We have determined to mark this occasion with a gift. [Dis- 
playing a bronze elephant]. It is suitably inscribed, among 
others, with the words, "A Great Defender of the Faith." It 
is but a symbol; that is all. I do not care what it cost, you 
do not care what it cost, I hope that he does not care what it 
cost [laughter]. Why? Because it is simply a symbol. If we 
had set out to make its purchase price commensurate with its 
purpose, there is not money enough in Boston to measure up to 
what we would have paid for that small bronze elephant. 

It is but a symbol of two propositions. It is but a symbol 
of the Grand Old Party, represented, for years, by an elephant. 
It is simply fabricated, with rare propriety, its trunk rampant, a 

[31] 



trumpeter, a fighter [laughter and applause]. And we are giving 
it, here, tonight, to the Keeper of the G.O.P. in the State and in 
the Nation [laughter]. We are giving it, tonight, to the man who 
has, largely, made the party what it is, from Minot's Ledge to 
Unalaska. 

And yet that is but a small part of its symbolism. It 
is a symbol of something far more than dollars, it is a 
symbol of something far more than party, it is a symbol 
of that one word for which we all live, and that word 
is "friends," — friends, whom we set above the financial 
returns of life, or any distinction, political or otherwise. 
It is what the worst of us and the best of us live for. It 
is the respect, and more than that, the affection, of those 
with whom we live. In that spirit, sir, and only in that 
spirit, I hand you what, otherwise, is but mean and un- 
interesting [presenting bronze elephant to Senator 
Lodge]. 

[Mr. Lodge was greeted with prolonged cheers and applause, 
the members and guests standing and so manifesting their ap- 
proval and admiration.] 

MOST HIGHLY-PRIZED 




IN CAPTIVITY 
AT 1765 MASS. AVE. 
WASHINGTON 
Caught by ihe Kodak after 
reading the Returns of Nov. 2-20 By " Norman ' 

[32] 



MR. LODGE 

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen: 

The English language is one of the richest and most splendid 
that has ever been given to the sons of men, and yet I have 
often felt, and never so much as tonight, that it is not rich 
enough in expressions of gratitude. The mightiest genius who 
ever wrote the English tongue I think recognized it when 
Hamlet said, as I now say, 

"Beggar that I am, I am even poor in thanks, and 
yet I thank you" [applause]. 

I am deeply grateful to your presiding ofificer, Mr. Washburn, 
and to The Roosevelt Club, which bears a name very dear to 
me. It is the first Club, I think, to take that name after the 
great leader's death. I am very grateful to them for having 
honored me as they have tonight, for all that has been said in 
the Resolution, and by your Chairman, and said also by this 
gift [bronze elephant] which I shall always cherish. It is a 
moment when the Republican elephant is certainly entitled to 
trumpet and also be ready for a fight [laughter]. 

For all that has been said, I repeat, I cannot find sufficient 
words of gratitude. I am particularly touched by what has been 
said by Bishop Lawrence. We have been companions in boy- 
hood, and friends of a life time. He has never hesitated, as you 
may have guessed, to express disapproval to me when he disap- 
proved, and he has never hesitated to aid me and support me 
when he felt that I deserved it. 

He has referred to the time when the League of Nations was 
first spread before the country. The general feeling then was, 
for nobody had studied it or examined it, that it was to make 
secure the world's peace, and that we must all be for it. I felt, 
and so did some others who were obliged to study it, that it con- 
tained in its paragraphs, so loosely drawn, great dangers to the 
United States. 

[ 33 ] 



We were not many when we began the fight. Before the fight 
had really begun in the Senate, we had published to the world 
what was called the round-robin by the newspapers, — I suppose 
because it was not a round-robin, but was simply a resolution 
signed by 39 Senators, and at that time I remember very well, 
when I was here in Boston, I received a letter from Bishop Law- 
rence, broad, tolerant, wise, and calling attention to the fact that 
this was a document which ought not to be accepted by the people 
of the United States without the gravest consideration. He also 
published a letter in The Churchman to the same effect, and noth- 
ing could have helped me so much at that time. It gave me great 
courage to go on. 

He has been a strong support and help to me always, and I 
have followed his great career with all the pride that affection 
brings ; not so much pride that he has risen to the highest position 
in the church, but because he has risen to something still higher 
than any position that man can give, — to a noble, widespread, 
spiritual and moral influence which has been felt throughout all 
this great community which he has now served so long. 

I also feel very greatly touched by the messages which were 
sent by Mr. Williams, and by two of the Senators with whom I 
was closely associated, and by what my friend from New Hamp- 
shire [Senator Moses] has been good enough to say. As he was 
speaking I was reminded of Lord Salisbury of whom it used 
to be said, that he was occasionally guilty of blazing indiscretions, 
but I observed that in spite of the statement Lord Salisbury rose 
to be the leader of his party and prime minister. Blazing indis- 
cretions depend very largely on the person who utters them. And 
if my friend Moses is occasionally said to be guilty of a blazing 
indiscretion I can only say that they frequently prove very valu- 
able, and that he has been one of the most loyal, staunch, earnest 
friends that any man charged with responsibility in public life 
ever had by his side [applause]. His wide knowledge, derived 
from four years of diplomatic service, of diplomacy and history 
of the nations of Europe, placed him on the Foreign Relations 
Committee with the general consent of all the Senators on both 
sides, in his first year, and the fight that was made in the Senate, 
whatever I contributed to it, was due to those Senators, chiefly 
Republicans, but with Democrats among them, who showed the 
greatest possible courage, who thought nothing of their own faith 

[34] 



or of the faith of the party to which they belonged, and who were 
all alike determined that that League as it stood should not pass. 

I am not going now to trace the history of that long battle, 
but my feeling has always been one of gratitude to the Republican 
Senators of whom I was the official leader by their kindly choice. 
Although there were wide differences among us we all managed 
to work together for the same result, and I think that it might 
be said of those Republican Senators and the Democrats who 
aided them, that they framed the issue. They formulated the 
great question which rose above all others in the campaign which 
has just been concluded. 

We desired above all things that if it could be reached without 
artificial obstruction or delay, to bring that question before the 
American people [applause] . We had to have time only to edu- 
cate them, to make them understand what was in that League, 
and how it affected America. That was done. The result is 
written in the returns of November 2nd [applause]. 

The magnitude of the victory is difficult even now for me to 
measure. Don't think for a moment that, standing here tonight, 
I am going to assert that it was merely a Republican victory. If 
anyone noticed as I did the discussions before the people, they 
must have been struck I think as I have been struck by how 
little we have heard of the direct party appeal in the great elec- 
tion [applause]. The speeches and discussions were almost en- 
tirely devoted to the great issue. What the Republican party did 
was to furnish the organization, — a great mass of organized men, 
to stand up as a party for certain principles. That was an im- 
mense service and leaves the responsibility for the result largely 
with the Republican organization. But the victory which we 
won on Tuesday was an American victory, one of American 
votes. They came from all quarters, from all parties, from men 
who had been associated with other parties, perhaps for a life- 
time. They came from the Americans of foreign birth without 
regard to race. They rallied in the way they did, men and 
women, and went to the polls because they were convinced after 
they had studied the question that two great dangers threatened 
this country, one that there was an insidious attempt carried out 
in a large measure to change the American system of govern- 
ment ; and the other to commit us to an alliance which involved 
obligations which the United States ought never to assume. 

[35] 



Three times it has happened in this way. In 1860 and 1861 
the country was plunged into the Civil War, in which the life 
of the nation was at stake, and the Republican party was the or- 
ganized political organization which stood with the Union and 
for the freedom of the slave [applause]. Patriotism was not 
confined to the Republican party. The Democratic organization, 
the Democrats in Congress, resisted the Civil War throughout, 
and in 1864 declared it a failure. But Democrats by the thou-, 
sands came to the support of their country and shed their blood on 
every battle field of the United States just as Republicans did, 
because they were Americans first. We happened to be the organ- 
ization to which they had to rally. There was no other organi- 
zation standing for the best interests and for the life of America. 

Ao-ain. in 1896, when our whole financial structure was threat- 
ened by the silver movement, and the 16-to-l, again the Republi- 
can party was the instrument and the only instrument which the 
American people could take in order to save the country from 
what seemed financial dishonor and national bankruptcy. 

And now, the third time has come, — and has passed. And 
again, as a Democratic Senator said to me, "This is the third 
time that the Republican party has stood as the only bulwark in 
defense of America." That is the part which the Republican 
party has played. This vast majority was given to us because 
thousands upon thousands of men thought as Americans that we 
represented the American cause and the United States [ap- 
plause]. 

It was a great victory. The majority poured in like a flood 
over the country and some of the newspapers which have been 
doing everything they could in the most extreme manner to sup- 
port Mr. Wilson and elect Mr. Cox [laughter], when they had 
hardly got their heads above water, hardly got their eyes clear, 
immediately began to make President Harding's cabinet and tell 
the Republican party what they ought to do [laughter] . One of 
them said that nothing was settled about the League by the elec- 
tion; that the League was just where it was. In a sense that is 
true [laughter]. It is in the White House, where we sent it 
[laughter]. But in a larger sense it is difficult to understand 
how any intelligent man could say it, and yet I saw an article 
written by a very intelligent man, in a newspaper about it. The 
fact is, I suppose, that evidence did not interest him [laughter]. 

[36] 



But we have a heavy responsibility, and we have a great debt 
which we owe to those that came with us from other parties. To 
them we owe a debt, and we want to retain them and keep them 
with us. We want them to feel that they have not made a mis- 
take in trusting us. And as I have reflected on the results, I con- 
fess that the feeling of exultation which I could not help hav- 
ing has given way to a feeling of sobriety and to a sense of the 
gravity of the situation which we must encounter. 

Some people seem to think that we got possession of the gov- 
ernment on the 2nd of November. Under the Constitution we 
shall not get possession of it until the 4th of March, and not 
much can be done in the interval. That will leave us only 18 
months before the next national election comes, and I am go- 
ing to make a plea here tonight that those who have joined with 
us in winning this great victory exercise patience. Congress 
must meet at once after the 4th of March, I am sure President 
Harding will call it together and we will begin on our task. 

It would take me hours to go over the questions which con- 
front Congress, and I wish to call your attention to only a few 
of them simply to tell you what we are going to try to do, and 
to ask you to remember how much it is and not expect us to per- 
form miracles, as Mr. Burleson says he has done with the post 
office [laughter]. We promise no millenium, it is not to be ex- 
pected, but those things that we can do and the country expects, 
I hope will be done, and that we shall get credit for the effort that 
we make. 

We are fortunate in having as President a man of great 
calmness of temperament. Modest, sincere, thoroughly patriotic, 
a man who has been during this campaign not calling names, but 
from day to day, in nearly 200 speeches, laying before the people 
those things which he wishes to do and explaining to them his 
policies, and we may rely absolutely on one thing, that Senator 
Harding will bring into his cabinet and everywhere else where 
the Administration appoints, the very best men he can find. 
He is altogether too big a man to be unwilling to take advice 
[applause]. 

Let me call your attention to what we have to do. The country 
expects and rightly expects that there will be new and progressive 
legislation, what is called social welfare legislation, for the bene- 
fit of the people, to improve conditions, to protect the weak, to 

[37] 



do all that is possible to help our people to better conditions of 
life, and this will be undertaken. And let me say to you that 
those laws which are called social welfare laws are, on the whole, 
the easiest to pass and have the most general support. It is 
believed and commonly said that it is legislation like the child 
labor laws in which women take an especial interest. I think 
they would pass, — less quickly perhaps, — but if that is true they 
certainly will pass with great rapidity. 

We have to deal with the question of our soldiers. Congress 
has appropriated for vocational training $130,000,000, and it is 
to the highest degree discreditable that until recently very little 
was being done. Most of the first appropriations went in paying 
for quarters and clerks. That is only one thing, there is much 
else to do for the soldiers, and Congress must deal with it in the 
largest spirit of generosity, because to them the debt of gratitude 
of the country is very great indeed, the greatest debt that any 
country can owe to any portion of its citizens. 

Here is another thing which, among the first, must be attended 
to. It is going too far to say that the departments and the 
organizations of administration are wrecks. They are not. They 
are still functioning, but they are demoralized from top to bot- 
tom. The idea of autocracy has gone from the top of the pay 
roll down through the whole structure. They have spent money 
and wasted the money in a way that baffles imagination. They 
must be reorganized and put back on a business like basis. I 
know that the President will get the best men possible, and with 
the best men that can be brought into the cabinet, I do not 
exaggerate I think when I say, that it will be three or four years 
before we can get the departments back into a position where they 
can operate as they did before the war. We must also economize. 

We do not realize even now what the waste of money has 
been, or the way it has been thrown away. This generous and 
patriotic people whose one desire was to win the war with Ger- 
many, paid out their money, asked no questions, and gave without 
stint or reckoning. This fact instead of making the Administra- 
tion more careful as it should have made them, caused them 
simply to run wild. As a friend said to me today, they made the 
proverbial drunken sailor seem like a miser [laughter]. 

We must have economy. The Republican Congress at the last 
session saved a million and a quarter on the estimates. But you 

[38] 



can get no thorough economy unless you have the departments 
and those who run them in full sympathy. 

We have to deal with taxation. I fear that it is not likely that 
we can greatly reduce the total amount of taxation, but it can 
be readjusted, it can be made fair in its incidence. We can have 
a law that can be understood without the aid of a lawyer, — and 
they don't understand it, usually. We can simplify it and bring 
it to a condition where it would at least be as just and as little 
painful as taxes can be made. The Revenue Law, the tax bills, 
and the Revenue Laws and the taxes go together, they must all 
be revised, and that is an immense task and very very difficult. 

I am a Protectionist, but I am not speaking in that capacity 
at this moment when I say that one thing which ought to be 
remedied is to get from duties on imports their proper share of 
the burden of taxation [applause]. 

We must deal with the bonds. We have got eight billions of 
bonds to refund in the next three years. I was on the Committee 
on Finance when the bond bills were passed. I protested and 
had some argument with the Secretary of the Treasury in regard 
to it, in the hearings before the Committee, and I protested 
against the low rates that were put upon our bonds. Of course 
the credit of the United States is better than any other, and we 
can borrow at a lower rate. But finally the bonds of the United 
States, like everybody else's bonds, have to meet the market. 
Either by exemption or by higher rates it will be necessary to 
bring those bonds to a position which the Government bonds ought 
to occupy, and that is about par. 

I made the point in the Finance Committee that we could prob- 
ably get the money, as we did get it, at lower rates than the 
Government of today, owing to the patriotism of the country and 
the war excitement among the people. We did get it in just that 
way, and then came the unfavorable decline when the excitement 
subsided and the people who suffered the most were the people 
who took $100 or $200 or perhaps up to a thousand dollars, and 
who did it in order to help their country. Some of them were 
compelled to sell the bonds at a loss and they have taken the loss, 
although they had been told on every stump, in all the drives that 
were made, by those speaking for the Government, that the bond 
that was given to them was worth a gold dollar, and that they 
could take it anywhere and get a gold dollar for it. And then, 

[39] 



finally, owing to the fact that the rates were too low, the bonds 
fell as they were bound to fall, when they had to meet the market, 
and people suffered and lost which leads me to say that they have 
been wrongly treated. Nothing is more important to this country 
than the wide distribution of the bonds of the United States. 
It is an anchor, it is a guaranty, it is a help to safety and to 
financial soundness. Those who have been compelled to sell 
cannot be reimbursed, but many have held on, and when we come 
to the refunding we ought to refund at rates which would enable 
those people to whom it means so much, the small holders, allow 
them to take the new bonds at a proper rate and one which will 
enable them to sell their bond without serious loss if they have 
to sell it, or hold it with a sufficient payment of interest until 
it comes due [applause]. 

Those things that I have mentioned I think anyone can see 
are going to take a great deal of time and require a great deal of 
effort. Then there is a question which is pressing on us now, 
and ought to be .dealt with at once, and that is the question of 
immigration [applause]. There is a bill pending in Congress 
which we did not succeed in passing. There is a flood of immigra- 
tion now pouring in from Europe, and not from the most desirable 
parts of Europe. The law is not enforced as it should be, and 
there are immigrants coming in here who are coming in not for 
the purpose of becoming American citizens and helping to build 
up the country, but people who are sent here from Russia with 
a view to starting every kind of agitation, against the Government 
of the United States [applause]. 

We need some stronger legislation and more restriction. We 
are obliged also to face the great question of Asiatic immigration. 
There they are, those 700,000,000 people in India and China, to 
say nothing of Japan, those 800,000,000 of people who threaten 
to pour into this country. It is not a question of racial prejudice. 
It is a simple question of whether we are willing to sacrifice our 
standard of life, and submit ourselves to a competition which we 
cannot meet except by that sacrifice, and this cloud hangs over 
every English-speaking country in the Pacific. To show that I 
am not prejudiced against all agreements, let me say that I should 
like very much to see this question of Asiatic immigration dealt 
with unitedly by Canada, the United States, Australia and New 
Zealand. The shadow hangs darkest over Australia. It is the 

[40] 



same threat to every one of the English-speaking peoples who 
border on the Pacific. Nothing can be truer than that no nation 
has the right to send its people into this country or any other 
country where they are not welcome. If immigration can be 
forced upon this country by another, we are a subject and a 
tributary nation. We have no desire to force immigration from 
the United States upon any other country in the world. Whether 
another nation shall accept or exclude immigrants as Chinese 
have been excluded by the Japanese we have nothing to say, but 
who shall come into the United States and who shall become 
citizens here, is for us and us alone to settle [applause]. And 
we don't mean war when we say it, for no country ought to dis- 
pute that proposition. We should not think of disputing it, and 
it must not be disputed by others. One great objection among 
many to the League of Nations Covenant was that we should 
leave the question of immigration, and who should come into the 
United States, to be settled by the League [applause]. 

Now, about the League ; don't get alarmed, I am not going into 
the details of that intricate subject. But I have fallen into the 
habit of talking about it — not in the Senate so much as before the 
people. I have tried to lay before you a few of the most important 
questions which must engage the attention of the Administration 
and the Congress after March 4th next. I cannot close without 
alluding to one which has risen above all others in the discussions 
of the campaign. In what I am about to say I speak merely as 
a Republican, basing my opinions entirely on the declaration of 
the policies so well and clearly outlined by the party's candidate. 
Senator Harding, in his public speeches during the campaign. I 
have no thought of arguing the question of the League. That 
has been amply done before the great tribunal of the people, and 
the verdict was rendered on November 2nd. 

I merely wish to say a word in supplement to what has been 
said tonight by the Senator from New Hampshire in regard to 
this most important subject as it stands at this moment. The 
Republican party in its platform declared its policy to be the 
establishment of an arrangement or agreement or entente, call 
it whatever you like, with other nations for the promotion of the 
world's peace. They condemned the covenant of the League of 
Nations brought from Paris by Mr. Wilson, and approved the 
action of the Senate in opposing it. Mr. Cox declared that he 

[41] 



was ready to go into the League formed by Mr. Wilson, and sub- 
mitted by him to the Senate. Senator Harding declared he was 
opposed to going into that League. This issue was as plain as 
any issue could be and the people by a majority in the neigbor- 
hood of seven million approved the attitude and the action of 
Mr. Harding and the Republican party. 

The people of the United States have declared, therefore, that 
they will not accept the treaty which he brought here and laid 
before the Senate of the United States. So far as the League 
that he brought home is concerned, that League is dead, because 
the people have spoken in terms which cannot be misunderstood 
[applause]. 

The future was left open, and in my opinion, very wisely. The 
Republican party dechned to bind themselves six months in ad- 
vance, as to their action upon a question like that of the League 
of Nations which necessarily would be greatly affected by the 
conditions in Europe. Senator Harding and the Republican party 
are therefore entirely free to deal with this great question after 
March 4, 1921, unhampered by any platform promises as to meth- 
ods and details, and they purpose to do so in accordance with Sena- 
tor Harding's declarations made during the campaign. 

The country, by overwhelming majorities, has confided the 
future of the United States to the coming Administration and 
the new Congress. The President and the Congress chosen by 
the people of the United States for that purpose will deal with this 
great question of our policy abroad. It will not be further dealt 
with in any way by an Administration which has been discarded 
and which has little more than three months to live [applause]. 

It is for the Administration of President Harding and those 
who support him in the Senate and House to endeavor to bring 
about some arrangement with other nations for the promotion 
and security of the world's peace, if other nations desire to join 
with us, as I hope and believe they will. The responsibility is 
very great, but we do not shrink from it, and we are confident 
that a result can be obtained by following the policies outlined 
by Senator Harding, which will enable us to encourage the peace 
of the world without incurring dangers to our independence and 
to our Constitutional system of Government, to which the people 
of the United States will not submit. 

The American people are as earnest in advancing the cause of 

[42] 



peace as any people in the world, but they have shown by their 
votes their conviction that they can best serve this great cause 
by remaining masters of their own fate and not submitting their 
future in any degree to the control of other nations [applause]. 

Just a word in conclusion : In the Resolution which 
you so kindly passed, for which I am so grateful, and on 
the elephant which is now mine, you use the words, "De- 
fender of the Faith." You pay me in those words the 
greatest compliment which can be paid, because I know 
what you mean by "the Faith." The faith, however, is 
what has supported me, and has supported those who 
fought with me to arrest the covenant of the League 
submitted by Mr. Wilson, — faith and belief in the great 
traditions of the country, faith and belief in the prin- 
ciples of Washington, of Lincoln and of Roosevelt, faith 
in the people of the United States ; above all faith in 
America. That is the faith that we have kept, and that 
we mean to keep. We have passed through a period of 
great excitement. We have stopped the attempt to 
change the Government. We have arrested the move- 
ment toward autocracy. We have saved the United 
States from being projected into an alliance called a 
"League" and now there comes to us and to those who 
voted to entrust us with the government, the great re- 
sponsibility of construction. The excitement has cooled, 
the shouting has died down, and we are confronted with 
this great responsibility. It is easier to tear down than to 
build up. We must build up, and there we must have 
faith again. It is that which has sustained us, and if we 
are to succeed, it will be because we have deep down in 
our hearts faith in the American people and faith in 
America. If we have that, and if we never waver from 
that faith we shall succeed in construction and we shall 
serve the world best if we make America strong. With 
faith in America we shall make her what we all want to 
see her, — helpful to humanity, strong, independent, tri- 
umphant, free. [Applause. All standing.] 

[Adjourned.] 

[Mr. Lodge then autographed many Menus.] 

[43] 




By Norman Ritchie, Esq., Artist to The Roosevelt Club 



THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 

(1 ncorporated) 

BOSTON 

OFFICERS AS OF NOV. 20, 1920. 

"OUR PURPOSE IS, BY ORGANIZATION, IN NOMINATIONS, PLATFORMS. ELECTIONS 
AND LEGISLATION, WITHIN AND THROUGH THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, TO PERPET- 
UATE THE JDEALS AND VIRILE AMERICANISM OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT." 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, Hon. Pres. 
CHARLES SUMNER BIRD, Hon. V. P. 
HENRY CABOT LODGE, Hon. V. P. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
R. M. WASHBURN, Chairman 



Harcourt Amory, Jr. 
Samuel Spring 



Grafton D. Cushing 
Joseph Walker 



George P. Drury 
C. Sinclair Weeks 



Kenneth Hutchins 
B. Loring Young 



DIRECTORS AND OFFICERS. 



Harcourt Amory, Jr., Asst. Scc'y Boston 
Gaspar G. Bacon Boston 

Delegate Chicago Convention 
Cleaveland A. Chandler Brookline 

Ex- Representative 
Grafton D. Cushing Boston 

Ex-Speal<er — Ex-Lieut. Governor 

Roosevelt Big Four, 1916 
George P. Drury, Asst. Trcas. Waltham 

Ex- Representative 

Republican State Committee 
Miss Dorothy Forbes Milton 

Chairman Benefit Bureau Met. Red Cross 
Louis A. Frothingham North Easton 

Ex-Speaker — Ex- Lieut. Governor 

Congress man -Elect 
Alvan T. Fuller Maiden 

Ex- Representative — Congressman 

Lieut. -Governor- Elect 
Kenneth Hutchins Medford 

Wool Merchant 
John S. Lawrence Topsfield 

Lawrence St. Co., Textile Merchants 
William H. Lewis Cambridge 

Ex-Asst. U. S. Attorney General 
Augustus P. Loring, Jr. Beverly 

Ex-Pres. Essex Co. Club 
George v. L. Meyer Hamilton 

Delegate Chicago Convention 

Pres. Essex Co. Club 



Boston 
Salem 



Salem 



Pierce O'Connell 
Joseph F. Pelletier 

Pres. State French Club 
Frank S. Perkins 

Col. lOlst Field Artillery 

Mrs. George W. Perkins Boston 

Republican State Comm. Women's Div. 
Hugo O. Peterson Worcester 

Pres. State Swedish Club 

Samuel Spring, Sec'y Brookline 

Ex-Republican State Comm. Calif. 
Mrs. James D. Tillinghast Cambridge 

Republican State Comm. Women's Div. 
Daniel Thompson Boston 

Ex- Republican State Committee 

Joseph Walker, 3rd V. P. Brookline 

Ex-Speaker 

Joseph E. Warner Taunton 

Speaker 

R. M. Washburn, I st V. P. & Treas. Boston 

Ex- Representative — Ex- Senator 

Roosevelt Big Four 1916 
C. Sinclair Weeks 

Asst. Cashier 1st Nat'l Bank 
Addison L. Winship 

V. P. Shawmut Nat'l Bank 
Oliver Wolcott 
B. Loring Young, 2nd V. P. 

Speaker-Elect 



Newton 



Melrose 



Milton 
Weston 



THE FIRST POLITICAL PARTY CLUB IN MASSACHUSETTS TO INCLUDE WOMEN 
AS MEMBERS AND OFFICERS. 



Membership, 1,000 



IN HONOR OF 



HENRY CABOT LODGE 



BY 



THE ROOSEVELT CLUB 

(1 ncor por ated ) 

BOSTON 



MAKERS 

SYRACUSE, - N.Y. 

PAT. JAN. 2I,I308 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 787 765 A 



